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Congressional Record (4 pages) from December 18, 1903, on the Lewis and Clark Exposition held in Portland, Oregon in 1905.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE. 369
1903.
Sec. 8. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to borrow on the credit of the United States from time to time, as the proceeds may be required to defray expenditures authorized by this act (such proceeds when received to be used only for the purpose of meeting such expenditures), the sum of $130,000,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary, and to prepare and issue therefor coupon or registered bonds of the United States m such form as he may prescribe, and in denominations of $20 or some multiple of that sum, redeemable in gold coin at the pleasure of the United States after ten years from the date of their issue, and payable thirty years from such date, and bearing interest payable quarterly in gold coin at the rate of 2 per coat per annum; and the bonds herein authorized shall be exempt from all taxes or duties of the United States, as well as from taxation in any form by or under State, municipal, or local authority: Provided, That said bonds may be disposed of by the Secretary of the Treasury at not less than par, under such regulations as he may prescribe, giving to all citizens of the United States an equal opportunity to subscribe therefor, but no commissions shall be allowed or paid thereon; and a sum not exceeding one-tenth of 1 per cent of the amount of the bonds herein authorized is hereby appropriated, out of any money in tbe Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to pay the expense of preparing, advertising, and issuing the same.
Approved, June 28,1902.
APPENDIX 2.
[Extracts from letter of Merrill W. Teague, esq., of Baltimore, Md., printed in the Baltimore American of December 12, 1903, and dated at Panama, December 7.]
money was their motive.
The motive underlying the creation of the Republic was, consequently, more selfish than patriotic; more sordid than sentimental. The people of Panama, knowing better than do any other people the enormous value to them of a ship canal across the Isthmus, played for that advantage instead of for any real improvement in the condition of their Government. The riches they will realize from the construction and operation of the canal were more weighty considerations with them than was thought of political liberty, and fortunately for their purpose they found the United States ready to join hands with them. The effect of bringing a republic into existence under such circumstances is daily becoming more and more apparent.
The instigators of the movement for independence having no such thing as Panamaian patriotism to appeal to, were forced, in order to carry out their project, to wield an influence as sordid as were their own motives. These men who figure now as the responsible heads of the Republican Government will very frankly admit that they proceeded with the scheme for independence, not by addressing themselves to the desire of the isthmians to be free from Colombia, but by secretly corrupting those who were in position to hinder execution of their purpose.
So freely are admissions of thi3 nature made that last evening one of the members of the governing junta, frankly and without hesitation, and in return for the simple asking, gave to your correspondent a list of the men who wore bribed to support the revolutionary movement and the amount paid to each one. These bribes are termed " bonuses " here, and the payment of them is freely talked about in the streets and hotels, nor does any Panamaian seem to think that the men who sold their influence for stated sums in Colombian currency have in any manner compromised themselves.
To such an extent was the plan of winning by corruption carried out that every dollar of public money in the former Department of Panama was attached by the revolutionists and has since been paid out to those men who accepted bonuses from the instigators of the movement for independence. Nor was this sum sufficient to insure the success of the plan. It was used as far as it would go, and when it was exhausted the revolutionists resorted to promises, which have since been redeemed by the payment of sums taken from the loan of $300,000 made about the middle of the month to the new Republic by J. P. Morgan & Co., of New York.
faith in the united states.
The promoters of the revolution are therefore compelled by experience to distrust a large proportion of those men upon whom they are now forced to rely. They know that the army and the police force were purchased to support tne revolution, and knowing that these factors are susceptible to corruption, they do not know to-day whether the military and police officials are true or untrue to the Republic. The Panamaian naval establishment stands in exactly the same position as does the army and the police force, and since it is upon these agencies that the new Government must depend in greater or less degree for its security there is fear and suspicion discoverable upon every hand. The weakness of the present Government, its lack of purpose and indecision, are therefore excusable in a measure.
The real revolutionists know that they have to deal with a good-sized company of Colombian Benedict Arnolds, and they deal cautiously and suspiciously. All they hope for is that they can keep things going as they now are until after the canal treaty is signed by the members of the junta. That act of ratification accomplished, the revolutionists will have little interest left in the Republic, and just here there enters into this consideration an element which must, perforce, be little understood in the States. That element is the bland and childlike faith of the revolutionists in the Government of the great American Republic.
It matters not what statements may be made at "Washington or what stories may be current in the States, all Panama believes that the revolution was made possible by Washington's foreknowledge of what was proposed and an expressed determination by the Government at Washington to give moral and physical support to the revolutionists. There is reason for this belief, for it was not actually decided to attempt the coup which resulted in the creation of the Republic until advices were received from the States to the effect that if it should be attempted the United States would back it up.
These advices were not official, so far as the Administration was concerned, but they were of such a character, as will be shown in subsequent letters, as to convince the revolutionists that all they had to do was to take the initiative and then rely upon the United States to insure the successof the project. This they did, and their earlier confidence in the support to be afforded by our Government was justified by the occurrences of the 3d and 4th of November at Colon, when marines were landed from the Nashville and employed to prevent Colombia's military interference for the suppression of the revolution.
the canal all they 'want.
Having, therefore, had ample proof that the United States stands ready to guarantee the independence of the Republic, the revolutionists now place all their trust in America. For themselves, they are helpless in their ignorance of ways and means and in their distrust of their own people. To no other reason is attributable the decision to permit ratification of the canal treaty by the junta instead of waiting the election of a congress and the formal creation of a republican government. Upon such a contingency as an election the revolutionists dare not wait.
The treaty will, therefore, be ratified by the junta, which has no existence in fact so far as the Republic of Panama is concerned, and the Panamaian ratification will have been deposited at Washington by the time this letter
XXXVIII-24
is published. Why such haste? Simply because the revolutionists look forward to only one thing beyond what they have already accomplished, and that one thing is to get the United States so bound by contract that it will be compelled through self-interest to protect the Republic against invasion from without and against interior disturbances.
So keen is this desire that it is not stretching fact in the slightest to say that once the treaty is ratified and contractual relations with the United States assumed the revolutionists will practically lose interest in the fate of Panama. They will, as a matter of course, be compelled to proceed with the erection of a regular government, but that duty will be one in which they will have little enthusiasm. The treaty will insure the canal; the canal is all that Panama wants, and with it assured the Panamaians would be content to drift along for an indefinite period without proceeding further toward realizing the fruits of independence.
Proof of this lackadaisical interest in the Republic itself is nowhere concealed. Everybody in Panama, including the members of the junta and the cabinet, will declare, if interrogated upon the point, that Panama wants nothing except the canal; that the United States can have anything it wishes if it will only construct that waterway. So free are admissions of this nature that I have had it from those high up m the Government that had the United States demanded sovereignty over the entire Republic it would bave been ceded without question. As a matter of fact, the Panamaians would very gladly have relinquished the duty of organizing a government and attempting its administration. It is to this sentiment that the certainty of immediate ratification of the treaty is due.
afraid of too much money.
The Panamaians wished to be relieved of responsibility for the integrity and security of the Republic they have created, and although the treaty is more liberal in its concessions to the United States than was ever anticipated it would be, the junta has not for a moment considered such a thing as rejecting it or caviling over its terms. " We would have bsen entirely willing to sign our names to blank paper,'' said a member of the junta last even ing, 11 and to have left it to Secretary Hay to fill in, over our signatures, whatever he wished to write, stipulating only, upon our part, that the covenant should contain a pledge by the United States to build the canal."
That statement exactly expresses the state of affairs in Panama to-day, and in the hope that subsequent negotiations with the United States may result in that Government assuming even more responsibility than it has assumed under the canal treaty, the Panamaian revolutionists are proceeding with halting steps toward the organization of the Republic.
They are afraid of themselves, of the people with whom they will have to deal, and thoroughly suspicious of their own abilities. Senor Espanoza, one of the members of the junta, exposed the nature of this trepidation yesterday when he said to your correspondent that Panama has only one substantial objection to the canal treaty.
" We are in a dilemma," said Senor Espanoza, "because our revenues will be reduced about three-fifths by that clause of the treaty which makes Colon and Panama free ports, thereby cutting off the import taxes now collected; but one chief objection to the treaty is that by its Terms we are compelled to accept the $10,000,000 canal payment in cash. We must, in some way or other, by subsequent negotiations, relieve ourselves of that requirement. It is too much money for us to undertake to handle; it is certain to be wasted and misspent if it is turned over in bulk to the Government, and in self-protection we must devise some scheme whereby not more than $2,000,000 in cash comes into our hands for current use. The remainder must be so invested and so secured and held out of the country that it will stand as a revenue-producing asset for the Government, no matter what changes may take place or who may be in charge."
their unusual position.
The spectacle of an independent nation being afraid to assume responsibility for the handling of such a sum as $10,000,000 in cash is doubtless unique in the history of governments, but it affords an accurate key to the situation on the Isthmus of Panama. Starting with that sum in its treasury, having no funded debt and but $300,000 of a floating debt, with the taxes at a nominal figure, revenues sufficient for all requirements guaranteed by the canal treaty, and the peace and integrity of its domain assured by United States protection, Panama is actually helpless. Her helplessness is born of an absence of patriotism, knowledge among the more intelligent classes of the corrupt and unscrupulous character of the majority of the people of all Latin-American countries, and of the thoroughly mercenary motives for her own creation into a republic. Envy and pity must, therefore^play equal parts in any consideration of the state of affairs.on the Isthmus. Envy for the opportunity which stretches away before a people whose independence has been so easily won; pity for the moral, physical, and personal conditions which combine to make it almost impossible for this people to avail themselves of their opportunity.
Any other people would, under siich circumstances, bring themselves very quickly to the enjoyment of an indeterminate season of prosperity and dignity. Cuba, with fewer substantial advantages than Panama enjoys, is doing that very thing, while here in Panama there is nothing more inspiring or admirable than an alleged republic in which the leaders nave no more patriotic sentiment than a wish to avoid responsibility and a hope that the United States may do for them that which other people from tbe beginning of time have gloried in doing for themselves—secure and preserve their political independence.
exposition at portland, oreg.
Mr. FULTON. Mr. President, in accordance with the notice I gave yesterday, I ash the Chair to lay before the Senate the bill providing for the celebration of the anniversary of the exploration of the Oregon country by Capts. Meriwether Lewis and William Clark.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Overman in the chair). The Chair lays before the Senate the bill referred to by tbe Senator from Oregon, which will be read by title.
The Secretary. A bill (S. 276) to provide for the celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the exploration of the Oregon country by Capts. Meriwether Lewis and William Clark during their expedition from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean in the years 1804, 1805, and 1806; and to authorize a commission representing the United States to hold at the city of Portland, in the State of Oregon, a national, international, and oriental exhibition of arts, industries, manufactures, and the products of the rivers, soil, mine, forest, and sea in said State; and to provide and assist in the erection of a memorial building in said city of
mm association of Portland, ok
Portland, to be known as the Lewis and Clark Memorial Building; and to authorize an appropriation for all said purposes.
Mr. FULTON. Mr. President, I intend to speak but briefly on this bill, as my colleague [Mr. Mitchell] has fully and clearly explained all its provisions, and with equal force and clearness has presented the arguments in its favor. I shall endeavor simply to emphasize some of what seem to me to be tbe principal reasons favoring the passage of the bill.
In the first place, I desire to emphasize the fact that the event which we propose to commemorate is not one of local interest or importance only, but it is one that is as wide as the nation itself; one that has contributed much, very much, indeed, Mr. President, to the strength, the power, and the influence of this country.
I wish also to impress on the members of this Senate the fact that we are not asking Congress to provide for us an exposition or a celebration of this event. That has already been provided for. We are simply asking that Congress shall provide for participation in that celebration by this Government.
Tbe State of Oregon has already appropriated for this exposition tbe sum of $500,000, while tbe citizens of the city of Portland, in the State of Oregon, have subscribed, in addition to that amount, over $400,000, and they expect to increase tbe amount of their subscription, and I have no doubt they will, to a half million dollars, while a number of other States have already appropriated considerable sums of money in aid of this exposition, as shown by my colleague in bis remarks yesterday.
Consequently, Mr. President, even if we shall he so very unfortunate as to fail to secure the appropriation of a single dollar by Congress in aid of this celebration, nevertheless in the year 1905, at the city of Portland, in the State of Oregon, an exposition will be held in commemoration of the one hundredth anniversary of the journey of Lewis and Clark from the Mississippi Biver to the Pacific Ocean.
While that celebration will be held in tbe State of Oregon, it will in fact be a joint celebration of that interesting and important event by all tbe States in the Northwest and by every State whose territory was traversed by Lewis and Clark in making that memorable journey.
It seems to me, Mr. President, in view of the wide interest that is entertained in this event, in view of the contributions that are being made by the States of the West to assist in carrying it forward, that Congress can not afford to let the event pass without providing for participation in that celebration by the General Government.
When it was first determined that we should apply to Congress for aid in this matter, we were told that we would discover b re - argrowing spirit of opposition to any further appropriations of tins character; but I am gratified to be able to state that since the proposition has been more widely discussed and the great importance and historic value to this country of the event proposed to be commemorated has been recalled to mind, we have met with so much of kind encouragement and received so many promises of support from Members of both Houses of Congress that we now look forward with great confidence to a just recognition of our request.
It is true that Congress has in the aggregate devoted a considerable sum of money to centennial celebrations, but I do not recall any one of those appropriations that has not had the support and the approval of the people, as evidenced by the statements and reflected in the columns of the public press.
For instance, I think it will be generally admitted that the events commemorated by tbe Philadelphia Exposition in 1876 and the Chicago Exposition in 1893 were of such a nature and character as to fully justify the appropriations made in their aid by Congress, and that the character of each exposition was such as comported with the dignity and standing of this nation.
Mr. President, the truth is that neither of those occasions could have been permitted to pass unrecognized by Congress without doing great violence to the patriotic sentiment of the American people.
In 1904 there will be witnessed at tbe city of St. Louis the most splendid exposition of the products of the field, the forest, the mine, the factory, and of the arts and sciences ever held in this or any other country.
Congress has made liberal appropriations in aid of that celebration, and it is most fitting and proper that it should have done so, for it will be a celebration by tbe greatest nation of the earth of one of the most interesting and important events in ber history, for in all the history of this country, Mr. President, since the adoption of the Declaration of Independence and the successful issue of the war in support of its principles, no event has contributed so largely to the growth, the grandeur, the power, and the influence of this nation as did the acquisition of the territory of Louisiana.
It was absolutely necessary to our growth and advancement to the position we occupy to-day as the foremost nation of the earth.
When we of this generation recall to mind the great and splendid States that have been carved out of that territory and consider bow great a portion of our domain tbey constitute, of our population tbey support, and of our wealth they represent, and then remember how almost beyond our grasp that entire domain had once passed and would irretrievably have gone but for the farseeing statesmanship of one man, we can even now scarcely suppress a feeling of nervous agitation.
The acquisition of the Northwest Territory or the Oregon country, Mr. President, was second only in importance to the acquis tion of Louisiana, if, indeed, when we take into consideration : vast natural resources, its important rivers and harbors, its grea extent of coast line, and its relation to our other possessions, an the influence it had in bringing within tbe jurisdiction of th American Republic the California territory and the territory of Alaska, it was not in truth of equal importance to the acquisition of the territory of Louisiana.
But there is one circumstance in connection with the acquisition of the Northwest Territory that must ever associate it in the minds of the American people with the Louisiana purchase, and that is the fact that our title to both is the result of the wisdom, the patriotism, and the statesmanship of one and the same man.
In the world's history there are few examples of one man being permitted to serve his country so conspicuously, so frequently, and so effectively as it was tbe fortune of Thomas Jefferson to serve his country. To have been the author of the Declaration of Independence was of itself a sufficient guaranty of immortality, and for one man to have been chiefly instrumental in acquiring for his country that vast region extending from the middle channel of the Mississippi River to the summit 'of the Stony Mountains was again of itself sufficient to have enrolled his name among the immortals; but the genius of Thomas Jefferson was not content even with these unimpeachable titles to enduring fame.
As soon as he had succeeded in securing our title to tbe I risi-ana territory, indeed before bis success in that behalf was ass, id, he was taking steps to acquire by exploration tbe great region 3-yond the mountains, and for that purpose and to that end he ganized the Lewis and Clark expedition.
I do not intend to take up the time of the Senate in attempting any description of that marvelous journey, either to picture the hardships they endured or the dangers they encountered. It is familiar history to the American public. The undertaking was without precedent in history at the time and it has continued without parallel.
When they had crossed the Mississippi River anfl fSMs&Ttoward the "setting sun there was in thein nearly
3,000 miles of unknown and unexplored country, infested by wild beasts, inhabited only by predatory bands of the most cruel, crafty, and bloodthirsty savages that the world has ever known.
No pathway had been marked out for tbem; no trail was blazed; without protection, without guide, excepting the compass and such protection as their own courageous hearts afforded them, they went out upon that great and marvelous j ourney. For nearly two and a half years that little band of less than thirty men faced the dangers of the wilderness, the storms and the tempests, traversed deserts, scaled mountains, forded rivers, under the blistering beat of the summer sun and against the freezing blasts of the winter winds. Tbey suffered, of course; suffered terribly, yet uncomplainingly, for they realized that they were battling for an empire. But for their courage, their fortitude, their devotion to duty, and their consummate skill, the great Northwest, with all its vast and varied resources, its mighty rivers and its matchless forests, would not to-day be a part of the domain of this Republic.
But I do not intend to take up the time of the Senate in discussing the particulars or giving in detail any description of that trip. Suffice it to say, that after having prosecuted it for near two and one-half years and after having traveled over 7,000 miles that little band of less than thirty men returned again to the city of St. Louis, having lost but one of their number.
It was, indeed, an undertaking of surpassing importance and one that is well worthy of being commemorated by this nation,
I do not wish to be understood, however, as undervaluing in the least tbe great services that were performed by others in the acquisition of the Oregon country.
That was a service of incalculable value performed by that splendid old mariner, Capt. Robert Gray, a native of Rhode Island, who sailed tbe good ship Columbia out of the port of Boston and in 1792 discovered the Columbia River. That, of course, was a very strong link in our chain of title to the Northwest Territory.
Nor would I undervalue the services performed by John Jacob Astor, who made the settlement at the point now known as Astoria, near the month of the Columbia River, in 1811. It may be said that he was actuated by mercenary motives and purposes, because he was engaging in the fur trade; but, even if that be true, this Government got tbe benefit of his enterprise,
It is not trne, however, that he was actuated entirely by mercenary motives or purposes. It is well authenticated in history that Mr. Astor was actuated as much by a purpose to aid this Government in securing title by occupation and settlement as by any other motive.
Indeed, it is stated by Washington Irving, in bis interesting work called "Astoria," that that was the principal purpose and motive that actuated Mr. Astor in forming his fur-trading company and making that settlement in the Far West. I have no doubt that he was largely influenced by those patriotic motives and purposes.
That, Mr. President, was New York's contribution to the acquisition of the Northwest Territory, while the splendid service rendered by Captain Gray was the contribution of New England to the acquisition of that territory.
Then there are the splendid services of Thomas Benton, of Missouri. Had it not been for the war he waged in this Senate month after month in favor of the retention of the Northwest Territory, it is not improbable that the statesmanship of Jefferson, the genius of Gray, and the enterprise of Astor would all have been without avail. That was Missouri's contribution to the great work of acquiring the Oregon country.
It was, as I have said, an event of surpassing importance in our history and well worthy of commemoration by this nation. It gave to ns the great States of Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and a considerable portion of the territory now constituting the State -of Montana. It gave to ns our second greatest river in length, our greatest river in scenic beauty and grandeur, in its capacity to serve commerce, and in tbe extent and value of its fisheries. It gave to ns Puget Sound, that matchless harbor of tbe world.
It gave to ns mineral belts that even now in the infancy of their development are yielding annually over five and a half millions of dollars in gold, over twenty and a half millions in silver, over thirty-six and a half millions in copper, and over seven millions in lean, or a grand total of over $70,000,000 annually. It gave to ns the most splendid forests, the finest fruit-growing and grain-producing region on the Western Hemisphere, a region that is now, though its development has but just begun, yielding annually more than 40,000,000 bushels of wheat. I present here a table which contains a partial statement of the products for one year, 1800, of the territory constituting the old " Oregon Country."
Production of precious metals.
State. Gold. Silver. Copper. Lead. Total.
Oregon........__J Washington____ Idaho .......... Montana **_ _..... Total...... 661,239.61 1,917,313.00 1,278,927.80 487,927.16 7,229,717.00 12,620,137.70 4,757.74 36,505,220.36 9,396.44 7,314,888.00 19,019.58 1,103,320.95 16.40],918.00 50,423,305 44
5,692,301.56|20,549,658.59 30,514,081.81 7,344,935.52 70,100,977.48
a So much of Montana as was in the old " Oregon Country."
Farm products for 1900.
Product. Oregon. Washington. Idaho. Montana.** Total.
Barley ...-bushels.-Buckwheat.. .do____ Corn..........do____ Oats..........do____ Eye...........do____ Wheat________do____ Hay..........tons.. Potatoes..bushels. . Onions.......do____ Sugar beets ..tons.. Hops.....pounds.. 1,515,150 7,010 359,523 6,725,828 109,234 14,508,636 1,117,400 3,761,367 208,502 14,462 14,675,577 18,349,660 3,641,056 1,865 218,706 5,336,486 44,945 21,187,527 826,899 3,557,876 107,111 6,149 6,813,830 5,268,088 969,214 800 111,528 1,958,498 16,580 5,340,180 899,125 1,035,290 24,865 58,870 15,474,447 34,990 68 600 1,471,320 15,700 701,340 201,822 521,525 18,774 6,160,410 9,743 690,357 15,490,132 186,459 41,737,683 3,045,244 8,876,058 359,252 20,611 21,548,277 39,949,786
Wool.........do____ 857,591
a The figures in this column pertain to so mnch of Montana as was in the Oregon country—to wit, the counties of Flathead, Missoula, Granite, Ravalli, Deerlodge, part of Silverbow, and the Flathead Indian Eeservation. Value of farm, dairy, and orchard products and manufactures of Oregon country for 1900.
Product. Oregon. Washington. Idaho. Montana.** Total.
Orchard products.. Live stock.......... Farm products..... Manufactures...... Dairy products____ $906,015 33,917,048 38,090,969 46,000,587 3,550,953 $999,487 22,159,207 34,827,495 86,795,051 3,816,691 $365,224 21,657,974 18,051,625 4,020,532 1,243,197 $47,009 5,372,151 4,084,329 38,533,591 679,209 $2,317,735 83,103,380 95,054,418 175,349,761 8,290,050
a The figures in this column pertain to so much of Montana as was in the Oi'egon country—to wit, the counties of Flathead, Missoula, Granite, Eavalli, Deerlodge, part of Silverbow, and the Flathead Indian Eeservation.
Mr. President, even these considerations, I submit, are sufficient to fully justify this nation in making a suitable appropriation for an exposition in commemoration of that great event.
But, sir, while we propose that this exposition shall he primarily for the purpose of commemorating the Lewis and Clark exploration expedition, we are not dealing entirely with the past.
We have had in mind, in preparing for this exposition, the fact that this Government within the last few years has become the most considerable proprietor in the Pacific. The march of events has carried our boundary line far beyond tbe shores of the western sea.
We have assumed great and grave obligations and responsibilities in the Far East. Wecouldnot, inmy judgment,haveavoided the assumption of these obligations and responsibilities; but be that as it may, we have assumed them, and it now concerns our honor as it concerns our interest that we shall discharge those obligations and meet those responsibilities wisely, to tbe end that the social, commercial, and industrial interests of the peoples there for whom and for whose welfare and good conduct we have become in a large measure answerable shall be advanced in the utmost possible degree.
This, I say, concerns our honor, as it concerns our interest. It concerns our honor, Mr. President, as a powerful, humane, and Christian people, proud of our country, chary of its good name, and confident of its mighty destiny. It concerns our interest commercially and industrially, because the greatest development along those lines within the present century will be in the Pacific.
Within comparatively recent years Japan has developed into a great world power—has taken a leading position in the great procession of the nations of the world. Her awakening has aroused all the slumbering forces of the Far East. China can not much longer continue immune to the fever of progress.
It may work her political dissolution; but, if it shall, then on the ruins of the empire that for so many years has withstood the assaults of the waves of progress and commercial and industrial development will be founded other states that will prove more responsive to the growing demands of civilization.
Mr. President, we who reside on the Pacific look forward to the time, not far distant, when the commerce of the Pacific will equal that of the Atlantic.
With the completion of the isthmian canal, and by reason of recent events with which we had nothing to do and for which we were in no wise responsible, but which have been wisely taken advantage of by tbe present able Administration, its construction can not now long be deferred, the products of the great Mississippi and Ohio valleys, floating down those rivers to the Gulf, will be largely transshipped for the ports and the islands of the Orient and the Pacific seas, while that great fertile region beyond tbe mountains, finding a ready market for all its products in the multiplied HBHHHHH Ul UiU UllHliUl tlclllU, Will SUfiJJUll a yUJJIUation as dense asid will throb with an industrial and commercial life as intense as any other portion of our country.
Mr. President, this is what we of the Pacific look forward to, and having had these views and believing all this, we believe it is the duty of this nation to cultivate by all feasible and practicable means the commercial friendship and good will of all the nations bordering on tbe Pacific seas; and having this purpose in mind, while we intend that this exposition shall be commemorative of the great event which has assured the title of this nation to the Northwest Territory, we have also determined that one of its most pronounced and distinguishing features shall be the bringing together of the peoples and an exhibition of tbe products of all the countries of the Orient. In these purposes every section of our country is equally interested with another, and hence should equally join in the effort to bring it about.
Now, in conclusion, Mr. President, let me say tbat while this Government has appropriated many millions of dollars in aid of expositions in almost every other portion of our country, it has never appropriated a single dollar in aid of one on the Pacific coast.
We do not complain of this; we never have complained of it. On the contrary, the representatives from the Pacific coast have at all times supported these measures, because they thought they were right in doing so, and the people have supported them in doing it. But I submit that tbe event which wo propose to commemorate, the objects and purposes we have in view, will fully justify the appropriation tbat this bill carries.
Mr.'MITCHELL. I move tbat the bill on which my colleague has spoken be referred to the Committee on Industrial Expositions.
The motion was agreed to.
message from the house.
A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. W. J. Browning, its Chief Clerk, announced that the House had passed the bill (S. 2022) to afford protection to exhibitors of foreign literary, artistic, or musical works at tbe Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
The message also announced that the House had passed a joint resolution (H. J. Res. 64) authorizing the Commissioners of the
iy association OF PORTEND,
District of Columbia to permit tbe erection of certain poles and overhead wires in connection with the work of eliminating grade crossings in the city of Washington; in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate.
executive session.
Mr. CULLOM. I move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business.
Mr. PLATT of Connecticut (to Mr. Cullom). Pension bills are to be considered.
Mr. McCUMBER. Will not the Senator from Blinois give way until the pension bills are disposed of?
Mr. CULLOM. The Senator's order does not come on until 4 o'clock, and in the meantime we can probably dispose of a treaty, and it is a very important thing to do.
Mr. McCUMBER. My idea was to take up tbe pension bills now, and then we could have the executive session afterwards.
Mr. CULLOM. I think the better way is to nave the executive session right now, and when the time comes we will give way to the Senator's order.
Mr. McCUMBER. I have no objection to that course if tbe Senator prefers it.
Mr. CULLOM. I insist upon my motion.
The PRESIDING- OFFICER (Mr. Perkins) . The Senator from Illinois moves that the Senate proceed to the consideration of executive business.
The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business. After two hours and five minutes spent in executive session the doors were reopened.
temporary overhead wires.
The joint resolution (H. J. Res. 64) authorizing the Commissioners of the District of Columbia to permit the erection of certain poles and overhead wires in connection with the work of eliminating grade crossings in the city of Washington was read the first time by its title.
Mr. GALLINGER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent for the present consideration of the joint resolution. It will take but a moment. If there ia objection to it I will immediately withdraw it.
f I wish to state that in the work on the Union Station it would be necessary to bury the conduits some 30 or 40 feet, and of course tbat would be useless after the work was completed. We are very jealous not to allow overhead wires to be strung in this city, and the joint resolution simply permits them,f or a short distance, to string overhead wires temporarily, and then the conduits will be put in after the fill is made. I trust it may be passed. I will Btate that the work by the company is going on now.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The joint resolution will he read the second time at length.
The joint resolution was read the second time at length, as follows:
Resolved, etc., That the Commissioners of the District of Columbia be, and tbey are hereby, authorized to permit the temporary erection of poles and the stringing of overhead vnres tnereon for lighting and power purposes oveland along such streets and avenues and alleys in the District of Columbia as in their opinion are necessary and proper for carrying out the provisions of the acts of Congress providing for the elimination of grade crossings in the city of Washington and the construction of a union station: Provided, That said pole3 and wires shall be used only for the work authorized by said acts and shall be erected under the supervision of the Commissioners of the District of Columbia, and shall be removed whenever, in the judgment of said Commissioners, they shall no longer be necessary: Provided further, That no expense or damage on account of or due to the erection, operat ion, or removal of the said temporary poles and wires shall be incurred by the United States or the District of Columbia.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the present consideration of the joint resolution?
There being no objection, the joint resolution was considered as in Committee of the Whole.
The joint resolution was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
amanda B. tisdel.
Mr. McCUMBER. I am directed by the Committee on Pensions, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2218) granting an increase of pension to Amanda B. Tisdel. to report it favorably with an amendment, and I ask for immediate action upon the bill.
There being no objection, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the bill.
The amendment of tbe Committee on Pensions was, in line 7, before the word " Company," to strike out the word ''of;" so as make tbe bill read:
Be it enacted, etc., That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to place on the pension roll, subject to the provisions and limitations of the pension laws, the name of Amanda B. Tisdel. widow of James M. Tisdel, late captain Company B, Ninety-fifth Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, and pay her a pension at the rate of §30 per month in lieu of that she is now receiving.
The amendment was agreed to.
The bill was reported to the Senate as amended, and tbe amendment was concurred in.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The unobjected pension bills on the Calendar will be proceeded with in their order.
ALFRED WOODMAN.
The bill (S. 7) granting an increase of pension to Alfred Woodman was considered as in Committee of the Whole. It propose" to place on the pension roll the name of Alfred Woodman, late o.. Company B, Second Regiment New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry, and to pay him a pension of $24 per month in lieu of thai he is now receiving.
The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, re id the third time, and passed.
CORA M. CONVERSE.
The bill (S. 6) granting a pension to Cora M. Converse was considered as in Committee of the Whole. It proposes to place on the pension roll the name of Cora M. Converse, widow of Oscar I. Converse, late first lieutenant, Fourteenth Regiment United States Infantry, and to pay her a pension of $25 per month.
Mr. GALLINGER. Mr. President, I desire to amend the bill by inserting in line 0. after the word "late," the words "of Company A, First New Hampshire Light Infantry, and."
The amendment was agreed to.
The bill was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendment was concurred in.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
PERRY KITTREDGE.
The bill (S. 8) granting an increase of pension to John Perry Kittredge was considered as in Committee of the Whole.
The bill was reported from the Committee on Pension, with amendments, in line 6, after the word "of," to strike o> the name "Jonathan;" and in the same line, after the word "1. " to strike out " of Company B" and insert " hospital steward; as to make the bill read:
Be it enacted, etc., Tbat the Secretary of the Interior be, and be is hereby, authorized and directed to place on the pension roll, subject to the provisions and limitations of the pension laws, the name of Perry Kittredge, la t e hospital steward, Third Regiment New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry, and pay him a pension at tho rate of §20 per month in lieu of that he is now receiving, payable to his legally constituted guardian.
The amendments were agreed to. ,
Mr. GALLINGER. I desire to move a further amendment. This is an insane soldier who is under guardian sir' ' the insane hospital-of my State. The purpose was to make tL. rat 0 per month, but it was printed by accident $20. I move to amend the bill by striking out, in line 8, before tbe word " dollars," the word " twenty " and inserting the word " thirty."
The amendment was agreed to.
The hill was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendments were concurred in.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
The title was amended so as to read: "A bill granting an increase of pension to Perry Kittredge.''
IRVING W. COOMBS.
The bill (S. 547)'granting an increase of pension to Irving W. Coombs was considered as in Committee of the Whole. It proposes to place on the pension roll the name of Irving W. Coombs, late of Company H, Fifteenth Regiment New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry, and to pay him a pension of $10 per month in lieu of that he is now receiving.
The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
AMY C. BOSWORTH.
The hill (S. 1334) granting a pension to Amy C. Bosworthwas considered as in Committee of the Whole. It proposes to place on the pension roll the name of Amy C. Bosworth, widow of George W. Bosworth, late captain Company F, Eighteenth Regiment New Hampshire Volunteer Infantry, and to pay her a pension of $20 per month.
The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment , ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
CALVIN DAWS.
The bill (S. 1335) granting an increase of pension to Calvin Daws was considered as in Committee of the Whole. It proposes to place on the pension roll the name of Calvin Daws, late of Company A, Twentieth Regiment Maine Volunteer Infantry, and to pay him a pension of $24 per month in lieu of that he is now receiving.
The bill was reported to tbe Senate witboutamendment. ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.
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